Nepal is a small country located in the lap of the Himalayas. It may be small in size, but in terms of politics and caste equations, its complexity is no less than that of any big country. Nepal has been experimenting with democracy for the last three decades, but the truth is that this democracy is still incomplete. Power and resources are controlled by only one class- Pahadi Brahmin and Kshatriya castes. From the parliament to the administration and the army, these castes dominate everywhere. Madhesis, tribals, Dalits and women are still standing at the bottom of the ladder of power.

In 1990, multiparty democracy returned to Nepal. The public hoped that now there would be diversity in power and every community would get equal opportunity. But the exact opposite happened. Since 1990, Nepal has seen 13 prime ministers. Out of these, 10 were hill Brahmins and 3 were Kshatriyas. That is, despite the Madhesi population being 35%, not a single Madhesi could become the prime minister. Tribal and tribal groups are present in the parliament, but their leaders remained limited to only symbolic posts. Dalits and women are still at the margins of power. This picture shows how Nepal's democracy suffers from deep caste inequality. Faces changed in the name of democracy, but the character of power remained the same - Brahmin and Kshatriya centric.
More than half of Nepal's population is under the age of 35. This is the new generation called Generation-Z. It is connected to social media, pop culture and global politics. For them, caste and clan politics are old and irrelevant. This generation wants transparency, equal opportunities and most importantly, it not only thinks about change but also demands it. This is why Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah has become a symbol of change among the youth of Nepal today.
When Balen Shah won the Kathmandu mayoral election in 2022, it was not just an election, but a direct attack on old notions of power. Kathmandu was considered a stronghold of mainstream parties—Nepali Congress, UML and Maoist Center—for decades. But Shah surprised everyone as an independent candidate. He neither came from traditional politics nor was associated with any ethnic lineage. His background was that of a hip-hop artist and engineer. He is both Madhesi and Buddhist. That is, in every respect, completely different from the mainstream politics of Nepal. His victory gave the message that the public now wants an alternative. Especially the younger generation, which is tired of politics driven by repeated ethnic arithmetic.
Balen Shah's influence is not limited to politics. He is very active on social media and knows how to communicate directly. While Nepal's current politics stil relies on speeches and rallies, Shah is doing politics in the digital age. His music, his frank words and his independent image instantly attract the youth. This difference is very important, because for the first time in Nepal's politics, a face has emerged who is making politics cool.
But the question is, will Nepal's old power structure break so easily? Parties like Nepali Congress, UML and Maoists have been in power for decades. Their leaders come from Brahmin and Kshatriya communities and their hold extends to the administration, army and bureaucracy. This entire structure can stand like a wall for a leader like Balen Shah. It is likely that attempts will be made to dismiss Shah as "inexperienced" or "populist". His independent identity will be questioned. And the biggest thing is that people in power never leave their chair easily.
If Nepal gives a chance to a leader like Balen Shah to become the Prime Minister, it will not just be the victory of an individual but a historic one. Nepal will see a non-Brahmin/Kshatriya Prime Minister for the first time. It will send a message that democracy is not just in name but inclusive in reality. Madhesi, tribal and Dalit communities will get the confidence that they too have a share in power. The youth will feel that their voice matters.
But if this demand for change is suppressed, the consequences will be severe. The young generation is already impatient. They are sharing their resentment and dreams on social media. If their voice is suppressed, the discontent can turn into a street movement. Nepal has seen mass movements before and history is a witness that when the public wants, no power structure can remain permanent.
Nepal today stands at the crossroads. On one side is old politics, where power is divided among a few castes. On the other side is new politics, which is inclusive, transparent and connected to the youth. Balen Shah is a symbol of this change. But the real question is not whether Shah will become the Prime Minister or not. The real question is whether Nepal will be able to move beyond caste-based politics or not.
If Nepal takes this step, it can become an example in South Asia. In countries like India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, politics is often entangled in dynastic and caste equations. If Nepal comes out of this framework, it will be an inspiration for the entire region. But if the old power structure remains, democracy will remain incomplete. The trust of the youth will be broken and this breaking of trust is the most dangerous situation for any democracy.
Nepal's politics has been dominated by the hill Brahmin and Kshatriya castes for decades. Democracy came, faces changed, but the character remained the same. Today's generation is challenging it. Balen Shah is its face. This generation does not want to accept the old structure of caste, lineage and power. Nepal's democracy is now standing at a historic turning point. Either it will be inclusive and give equality to everyone, or it will continue the old inequality.
The decision of the future is now in the hands of the new generation of Nepal and their demand is clear – this time politics is for everyone, not just for Brahmins and Chhatris.

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