The Persian term ‘Pasmanda’ refers to “those who have fallen behind”. Since independence, the Pasmanda Muslim community has faced a pervasive system of intersectional marginalization, the Pasmanda Muslim community, which constitutes an overwhelming majority of 80% of India’s Muslim population, the backward and the Dalit communities (Ajlaf and Arzal). The Pasmanda Muslims category includes downtrodden groups engaged in menial occupations such as cleaning, butchering, weaving, vending, and selling Bangles/ vegetables, though the definition is broad.

Internal Marginalization

Within the Muslim community, the Ashraf class (comprising Sayyids, Sheikhs, Mughals, and Pathans) has historically dominated intellectual, religious, and political leadership. Pasmanda Muslims often face social exclusion, including segregation in mosques and graveyards, and are denied social ties like intermarriage with Ashraf Muslims. In the context of documenting caste among Muslims, Imtiaz Ahmed’s edited volume Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India (1978) is a seminal work that provides A coherent and detailed description of the caste-like formation that exists among Muslims in India. The promise of equality in Islam, which often motivated conversion, largely never materialized in the post-independence period due to the continuation of the caste hierarchy within the Muslim community itself
The Pasmanda Muslim women in India have triple disadvantage based on their caste of religious minority identity and gender, positioning them often below the women from other marginalized groups, resulting in some of the lowest socio-economic outcomes nationwide. Historically, it has been important to note that Muslim women who attained prominent and public recognition, especially in literary, artistic, and intellectual circles, were mainly from the Ashraf category. This visibility reflects the socio-economic advantages, access to education, and cultural capital available to the Ashraf class, enabling them to navigate and succeed in public life. Famous examples include: Ismat Chughtai, Qurratulain Hyder, Wajida Tabassum, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, Hamida Saiduzzafar, Zubeida Akthar Ali, and many more.
In the already socio-economically disadvantaged Pasmanda Muslim households, the prevailing patriarchal social structure lays down that a much less than proportionate amount is spent on women’s education. Economic deprivation, thus combined with rigid gender norms, often leads to severe losses in the lives of women, such as high rates of early and adolescent marriage and increased pressure to enter low-wage informal labor to supplement household income instead of pursuing further studies.
As Rafia Kazim quotes in her article, “Most Dalit households, both men and women are involved in the processes of production/hard labor, so is the case with women of this community. Since Dalit women happen to be part of the labor force (service providers), it necessitates their mobility in highly masculinized public spaces. These masculine spaces are 'guided by unwritten normative rules which restrict the entry of females and where the presence of females is considered morally reprehensible' (Kazim 2018: 67). In such public spaces, they are exposed to various kinds of oppressive practices ranging from derogatory remarks slandering their caste affiliations to lewd comments with sexual overtones. Paradoxically, neither the Gender Studies Centers nor the Dalit Centers have ever even tried to take cognizance of Pasmanda women.
Dr. Ejaz Ali, founder of All-India Backward Muslim Morcha & a former Rajya Sabha M.P., explained during the conversation, "The founding of the All India Muslim Morcha in 1994, which I initiated, came from a profound realization," Dr. Ejaz Ali, reflecting on decades of advocacy said, "We saw many organizations working for Dalit and Backward Class Muslims, but there was a critical, nuanced gap. Not every backward Muslim is a Pasmanda Muslim, and the specific issues facing the Pasmanda community—the historically marginalized, working-class Muslims—were being overlooked." Dr. Ali is unequivocal about the pivotal moment that structurally entrenched this marginalization: the Presidential (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1950 (specifically, the amendment on August 10, 1950).
"The condition of Pasmanda Muslim women has been particularly dire, and the 1950 Order is the root cause. By restricting eligibility for Scheduled Caste status to Dalits professing only Hinduism (and later Sikhism and Buddhism), it effectively imposed a religious bar on Dalit Muslims and Pasmanda Muslims."
He points out a historical anomaly: "Before Independence, under the British rule in 1936, the only group generally excluded were Christians. Pasmanda Muslims were historically part of the framework that provided them with reservations. Yet, when the 1950 amendment came, many Ashraf Muslims (upper-caste Muslims) were in positions of power, and tragically, there was no significant, united objection."
"The impact of this ban is staggering," Dr. Ali continues. "It automatically puts Pasmanda Muslims outside the mainstream, stripping them of the crucial privileges and state support necessary for upward mobility. The Sachar Committee Report of 2006 did not lie when it stated that Pasmanda Muslim women have the lowest literacy rate in the country. This is the living proof of structural injustice."

The Path Forward

In conclusion, the status of Pasmanda women in post-independence India is that they suffer from the burden of unique multi-layered discrimination. They are the most disadvantaged group within one of India’s most marginalized minorities. Despite forming a substantial segment of the Muslim electorate, their specific issues are often neglected by political parties. Pasmanda women are severely underrepresented or completely omitted from mainstream feminism. The Pasmanda movement itself has been criticized for neglecting the specific concerns and political representation of its women members. As Dr. Ali stated, the solution is straightforward and essential for justice and national development: To truly bring the Pasmanda Muslim community to a better position, the ban in Article 341 must be lifted. This is not about charity; it is about providing them with the constitutional opportunity to build a better life, equal to their counterparts in other religions. If Dalits and Pasmanda Muslims are included by removing the religion-binding clause from Article 341 of the Constitution, it will be a 'Vardaan' (a blessing) for these most deserving and historically oppressed segments of our society."